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Home » Yimby’s legislation makes headlines but does more housing?
Policy

Yimby’s legislation makes headlines but does more housing?

EconLearnerBy EconLearnerOctober 4, 2025No Comments5 Mins Read
Yimby's Legislation Makes Headlines But Does More Housing?
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There is no doubt that Yimby counts the attention of the media – but what about creating more homes?

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Last month passed California’s legislative body Senate 79 billintended to create more housing around the light rail, a meter that had been infected as one of the most important housing accounts. Is it? Probably not, and almost at the same time, the bill that had been infected as such, people from Massachusetts said yes at the Yimby conference that a similar measure that passed there a few years ago has not really been executed as we hoped. The problem goes back to the heart of the Yimby phenomenon. Most of the measures promoted by the movement are essential for major changes in housing, but most are insufficient. There is a very good chance that the recent past bill in California will end very much like the one in Massachusetts, better in a title than in reality.

Almost wherever a light rail can be found, the battles are quickly ignited if there is enough density around the stations. With my own experience in Seattle, the regional lightweight rail authority, Sound Transit, was known for the measure after the measure after the measure raising more and more money for the system, but did nothing to create more housing around light rail stations. Back in 2011I struggled a lonely battle trying to get the Seattle City Council to pass moderate location increases to allow more housing around Roosevelt station. They didn’t.

Yimby’s instinct is right: billions of dollars spent on light rail infrastructure is really lost money if no one lives around the stations. However, angry neighbors around the light rail stations do everything they can to oppose spatial changes to allow more housing. Because local elected officials have their bread buttered by these neighbors, counting them for votes during the election, nothing is done. So, the best thing is that thought goes, to get the state to prevent local governments from limiting the magnitude of housing developments.

Massachusetts’ Transport Authority (MBTA) was one of these state laws, but at the Yimby conference last month, The Lighthouse of the Commonwealth They said that “housing experts note that they still do not know how many housing will emerge immediately from the changes they reacted”. While the law gave the organizers the opportunity to change the location around the transit, “the process became an energy and a sink of attention”, and the effort was made in progress and legal challenges. The problem in Massachusetts was that the measure was not enough for a command, so locals could still hit the works. The title of the History of the Beacon Commonwealth says, “It was very complicated.”

In California, the Senate bill 79, as almost all of these Yimby accounts are called “a dramatic step forward”, In a story in Cal. The problem, however, is also obvious in a sub -seal in Cal Matters history: “Modified in Victory”

“During the year, the proposal was submitted in 13 rounds of modifications – more than any other policy bill, many of these changes were made to persuade strong interest groups to reduce their opposition.

These modifications have eliminated many of the requirements of locations across the state. Now the bill applies only to counties with at least 15 stations and this leaves only 8 counties, Los Angeles, San Diego, Orange, Santa Clara, Alameda, Sacramento, San Francisco and San Matteo, the largest population counties in the state. It only applies to half a mile around the stations, almost a dramatic step forward. And the heights of the building are limited to seven stories and even lower outside half the mile.

Most importantly, there is what history calls “asterisks”.

  • Developers, trade union manufacturers should be hired.
  • Projects must be removed 7% of the units to be “renting from rents” and replace any existing housing units removed for the construction. and
  • There are strange provisions for longer periods of planning for low -income neighborhoods, preventing any changes by 2032

These kinds of things are malfunctions in Yimby’s legislation, they are typical. Yimbys boast of being comprehensive, and as I have pointed out before, they really do not favor market solutions, but public housing. And they clearly do not understand how housing is built. The sponsor of the California legislation, San Francisco Senisco Scott Weiner, is often linked to those measures that look forward to forward jumps, but really do not lead to many changes because they add so many requirements and restrictions that nothing can be made. The legislation, for example, which allowed San Francisco to “end the single family zone” (they didn’t do it, you can read my analysis here) was much better as a title than in reality.

The growing problem with Yimbys is not that their legislation does not do much, but that the media and progressives are in love with the idea that legislation does something. The titles feel great, but watching is empty. Legislators and Yimbys go home with a “victory”, nothing changes and the standard is reduced to what the internet is saying is success and not the measurable implications in the form of new houses and lower prices and rents for real people who are struggling to get over.

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nguyenthomas2708
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